Kim Quek, Malaysia Today, 13 Dec 2007
Who in his wildest dream would have imagined Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's (Pak Lah) promised land of reforms pledged in the last election in 2004 could so dramatically degenerated into a virtual police state on the eve of the next election?
Yes, the ridiculous spectacle of arrest of opposition party and civic leaders (who only wanted to present a petition) in a Parliament house that was completely sealed off by police road blocks in the absence of any threats of attacks is indeed one that exudes the image of a police state.
This spectacle was rendered even more ridiculous when the petition was a noble mission to persuade the ruling coalition Barisan Nasional (BN) from rushing through a wanton alteration of the Constitution for political expediency — amending Article 114 of the Constitution to extend the retirement age of the chairman of election commission (EC) from 65 to 66, so as to enable the discredited and pro-BN chairman Rashid Rahman (due for mandatory retirement at 65 on Dec 31) to helm the coming election.
On the same day of these arrests, Dec 11, the headquarters of main opposition party PAS was cordoned off by police so as to prevent leaders of the party from going to Parliament House to present the petition. Where on earth can you find a democratic country indulging in such high-handed acts of contempt of democratic principles and such uninhibited abuse of police force? What a big slap on the face of the Prime Minister, who only days before shamelessly declared to the world through an article in the Asian Wall Street Journal (Dec 7) what glorious democracy Malaysia had been practicing!
Frantic Repression
To get a further view of the state of repression this country has descended to, I will list briefly relevant events that took place recently, in reversed chronologic order:
Dec 11: Arrests in Parliament and cordoning of PAS headquarters as stated above.
Dec 9: International Human Rights Day. Arrest of Bar Council human rights committee chairman for preventing government officials from removing a human rights banner in the premises of the Bar Council. Arrest of lawyers and activists who were walking in a small group toward the Bar Council premises in celebration of International human rights day, after the Bar Council had cancelled its annual human rights walk under pressure from the government.
Dec 9: Scores of activists including opposition party leaders were arrested in different parts of the country for participating in the Nov 10 rally organized by BERSIH — a movement supported by opposition parties and NGOs to campaign for free and fair elections.
Nov 25: Hindraf rally of 30,000 in the streets of Kuala Lumpur to protest against marginalization of ethnic Indians due to racial discrimination under the "New Economic Policy" (NEP). The demonstrators were brutally suppressed with endless volley of tear gas canisters, chemically laced water cannons and beating with batons by police. Subsequently 31 ethnic Indians were arrested and charged for attempted murder for wounding a policeman; and leaders of Hindra — an ethnic Indian rights movement — were arrested and charged.
Nov 10: BERSIH rally of 40,000 in Kuala Lumpur to present a petition to the King requesting for electoral reforms. The marchers were confronted by police blockades and chased around by riot squats using tear gas, chemically laced water cannons and batons.
In an apparent attempt to exonerate himself from accusation of reckless repression, Pak Lah said in a speech on Dec 10: "If the choice is between public safety and public freedom, I do not hesitate to say here that public safety will always win." He alluded to demonstrators as law-breakers who threatened public safety and vowed to apply the dreaded Internal Security Act if necessary.
But what blatant lies these assertions are, when there is not a shred of evidence to indicate there has been any intent, act or weaponry of violence on the part of participants throughout these assemblies. In fact these protesters should be commended for having exhibited exemplary conduct of discipline and self-restraints, particularly when subjected to harsh treatment from the police. There was no violent clash, safe in the Batu Cave temple incident in the early hours of Dec 25 when large crowd of Hindu worshippers and participants were locked in and subjected to endless attacks of tear gas and water canons.
Rebuke from Suhakam
In a statement in apparent rebuttal to the Prime Minister's wild accusation of "threats to public safety", the Chairman of Suhakam, which is Malaysia's Human Rights Commission, said:
"The possibility of public disorder should be based on evidence, not speculation or imagination.
"Suhakam regrets the government had ignored its repeated call to repeal the law requiring permits for public assemblies and processions. In London you can hold peaceful assemblies and the police are around to prevent public disorder. But here a group needs a permit even to present a memorandum.
"Suhakam wants Section 27 of the Police Act 1967 (which requires a police permit for an assembly of more than three) repealed, because it goes against the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and appears to be inconsistent with the spirit of the Federal Constitution." (Star Dec 12).
A Suhakam statement further said:
"Currently, it appears that arrests and prosecutions are selective and seemingly biased. Suhakam calls on the authorities to respect and uphold the law and to implement it equally as guaranteed by Article 8 of the Federal Constitution. Suhakam regrets that many of its recommendations remain unheeded, and this has not enhanced our national human rights status." (Malaysiakini Dec 12)
It should be clear from the foregoing who the villains are in these shameful episodes of trampling of the people's constitutional rights.
Paranoid Reflexes?
Why would Pak Lah and his cabinet resort to such dastardly acts that have put Malaysia to shame? I venture to suggest two main reasons.
FIRST, Abdullah's government has been rocked by endless series of mega scandals of corruption and abuse of power since early this year. These included the grisly Mongolian murder with links to top political hierarchy; dubious commissions that run into hundreds of millions paid in respect of purchases of submarines and fighter jets respectively; the almost simultaneous investigations of the top three crime-busters — deputy minister of home security, inspector general of police and former anti-corruption agency chief; the inflated spending of RM 4.6 billion to create a "Ghost Town" in Port Klang; the inflated RM 6.75 billion naval vessel contract that ran foul; the auditor general's report that reveals pervasive corruption in the millions that run right across the full spectrum of the entire government; and the recent Lingam video clip that exposes judicial rot of the worst kind.
Any of the above scandals would have dealt a fatal blow to any democratic country, but in Malaysia, thanks to collusion of local press and TV, these are largely hidden from the masses. However, with increasing influence exerted by critics through a growing Internet, the government is beginning to feel the heat of critical public opinion. Needless to say, the regime's popular support will change in inverse proportion to the spread of public knowledge of the ruling coalition's incompetence and corruption.
Economic hardships caused by spiraling inflation in an uncompetitive economy help to fester growing dissatisfaction against a leadership that is increasingly exposed as one which feathers its own nests through abuses of the NEP. The latter is supposed to be an affirmative policy but has been illegitimately hijacked by UMNO to enrich its elites in the name of helping the Malay race. These abuses, built on racial discriminations, have in turn heightened resentment among minority races as well as accentuating class conflicts due to widening disparity of wealth. To cling to power, UMNO has to depend on a manipulated electoral system as pillar to its political hegemony. This is why it is so determined to retain current EC chairman Rashid Rahman's service, to the extent of amending the social contract of the founding fathers of this country — the Constitution.
And so, when tens of thousands of people threaten to amass in the streets to demand for fair elections (by BERSIH) or protest against racial marginalization (by Hindra), UMNO has reasons to feel panicky. What if these crowds swell to over a hundred thousand? What if news of the evil deeds of the regime spread like wild fire through word of mouth among the disgruntled masses? As UMNO's popularity wanes, would it implode in the midst of worsening internal power struggle? Or would it be deserted by its racial hangers-on who have been scrounging on UMNO's power, but whose roles as champions of their own racial groups are increasingly untenable in the light of UMNO's recent surge in racial arrogance and dominance under the competitive influence of Pak Lah's ambitious son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin?
These nagging thoughts are fair assumptions, judging from the paranoid displayed by UMNO in clamping down so recklessly and insanely on any public expression of dissent.
SECOND, Pak Lah seemed to have been emboldened by the favourable findings of a recent opinion poll commissioned by the UMNO owned New Straits Times, judging from his recent smugness at the poll results and the sudden tightening of the police noose on the opposition of late. The spin doctors and sycophants who have insulated him from the real world might have convinced him that it is safe and timely to strike as hard a blow as possible against the opponents irrespective of what the Constitution prescribes, given the supposed unswerving support of the people.
Caution to Pak Lah
A word of caution for Pak Lah here. Since when is opinion poll in a highly repressed state like Malaysia taken seriously? Democracies like US or Australia which practices exemplary democracy can rely on opinion poll to predict electoral outcome to the nearest percent or two. But haven't we noticed that opinion polls on political support are rarely conducted in countries in Africa, middle east, the former Soviet Union and large parts of Asia? Why? It is simply because the people there have been so repressed that few would feel at ease to give honest answers openly, especially those answers deemed unfavourable to the ruling power. The same goes with Malaysia, where long entrenched political culture of submission under threats and inherent fear of punitive consequences will preclude any meaningful results from such an opinion poll. Taking this into consideration, it is safe to assume that there will be a large margin of error in favour of the ruling power, if at all such a poll is conducted.
A case in point was the opinion poll conducted by the Merdeka Centre for Opinion Research in 2004 when Pak Lah won a sweeping electoral victory. Though his popularity rating then was found to be 91% by Merdeka Centre, his coalition BN could only garner 64% of the popular votes. Projecting this trend onto his present popularity rating at, say 70%, that could mean he may only garner 49% of the popular votes for BN, a prospect not at all comfortable for the mighty and haughty UMNO/BN.
Regardless what the true level of Pak Lah's popular support is, he will be well advised to stand on the right side of history by honouring his oath of allegiance to the country and the Constitution. For any betrayal of his oath of allegiance, such as the rampant violation of the constitutional rights of the people as is being committed now may bring misfortune to himself and his party in due course, as truth will eventually triumph. By then, his name will be defiled in eternity.